By J.A.W. Gunn
The topics explored comprise political liberty, "legal tyranny," defences of impression in govt, acceptance of the competition, and the improvement of natural different types of political research - the latter in a bankruptcy that explodes the organization frequently presumed among organicism and conservative modes of concept. A bankruptcy at the "Fourth property" examines the slow technique of legitimation of "interests," culminating within the impression of the click. important to the account of recent political forces and their attractiveness is the assumption of public opinion, which advanced in this interval from the idea of public spirit. Chapters at the classical legacy of the century and at the High-Tories research backward-looking elements of the political cultrure. Tracing the continual impression of High-Toryism, Gunn questions the normal knowledge approximately eighteenth-century ideological consensus usually and Whig team spirit specifically. He demonstrates that theories of presidency from the 17th century survived to a point no longer formerly admitted by means of smooth scholarship.
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Additional resources for Beyond Liberty and Property: The Process of Self-Recognition in Eighteenth-Century Political Thought
46. True Briton 11 (8 July 1723). 47. Mist's Journal 145 (27 Jan. 1727-28); number of 18 Jan. 1728—29, in Select Letters taken from Fog's Weekly Journal (London, 1732) 1:27—31; and Fog 271 (12 Jan. 1 733-34)- Parliament and the Caesars 25 Opposition of the 17305 said flatly that it was better to dispense with parliaments entirely ^ Since the Opposition had been unsuccessful in swaying the electorate, it was becoming difficult for Walpole's enemies to deny that the people might indeed be led to mistake the forms of a free government for the substance.
By a Member of Lincoln's Inn (London, 1776), p. xv. 80. Aristotle, A Treatise on Government, trans. William Ellis (London, 1776), p. 380. " The objection was not, in fact, that princes were lent too little dignity but that they were perceived by Machiavelli as instrumental in situations over which they had little control. 8' The same concern for replacing accounts of the acts of rulers with attention to structural factors is evident in some of Horsley's later essays. Here, he had become increasingly partisan, and his methodological quarrel with Machiavelli had become fused with the rhetoric of legal tyranny.
33. , A Cordial for Low-Spirits (London, ), p. 205. 34 Thus the reader encounters some interesting speculations about the way in which rulers enhanced their authority through grand titles and how other merchants of illusion used words to create credit and generate economic activity, often relying, in the fashion of the time, on French terms to lend a meretricious glamour to their activity. The time was ripe for insights about the contribution of illusion to the maintaining of power; government, ostensibly free, seemed to grow more arbitrary every day, while the terrible power of opinion created and destroyed fortunes.