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Additional resources for Accept - Russian Roulette
Most Russians in 1999–2000 deemed their government to be unresponsive, impenetrable, and indifferent to their plight. This alienation was severe by cross-national standards and perceptibly worse than it was midway through the Yeltsin era. Fifty-six percent of our survey respondents agreed or strongly agreed with the statement, “People like me have no say in what the government does” (an increase of 10 percentage points over 1995–96). ”58 The silver lining is that these feelings of abandonment were not accompanied by wholesale disengagement from politics and the electoral mechanism.
From 1999–2000 panel, wave 2 (N = 1,168 weighted cases). ” The nub of a “postmodern” campaign, Norris writes, is feedback from citizens through the Internet and other interactive channels. “The new technology allows for forms of political communication that can be located schematically somewhere between the local activism of the premodern campaign . . ”40 For Russians, one can more or less forget for the moment about postmodern campaigning. 41 Russia has a mix of the other two campaign types, the modern without question being ascendant.
The contender the Kremlin feared the most in 1999, the OVR bloc, was the creation of the mayor of Moscow and a group of regional governors and republic presidents. 53 The Mood of the Electorate All electoral players were cognizant that the road to success lay through the hearts and minds of the voters. The voters of Russia were a restless lot. Mundane daily experience and news fare confirmed that the country was wallowing in crisis. Many people did not know where to turn. Uncertainty haunted most.